Pope Leo XIV's visit shook Argentina's political reality. His messages left a mark on the minefield of national debate. Although there was some consensus not to politicize his statements, in practice, the Supreme Pontiff's remarks marked, with surgical precision, what the Church's argumentative line is in this global era but, above all, in this moment that Argentina is living through under the presidency of Javier Milei.
While most of the homilies or speeches given by the Pope were decoded by Peronism as implicit backing for the demands the opposition has been making to the Government, many leaders of the top echelon of the Justicialist movement understood that one of the central messages was aimed at the need to build agreements. More dialogue, more focus on the people, more capacity to achieve consensus.
Within Peronism, it became clear that the papal messages on the role of the economy, the importance of the university, the need to improve working conditions, the care of the family, and the place that the disabled should occupy in a nation clash head-on with the libertarian government's political, economic, and social program. However, they also warn that the PJ leadership must concentrate on building a representative option that embodies those values and parameters the Pope expressed clearly. Peronism must understand that it cannot sink into internal power struggles and that...
AI Brief
Your highlights
Peronism understands it must redouble its efforts to achieve broad political consensus
Pope Leo XIV's visit shook up Argentine political reality. His messages left a mark on the minefield of the national debate. Although there was some consensus not to politicize his statements, in practice, the Supreme Pontiff's remarks marked, with surgical precision, the Church's argumentative line at this global moment and, above all, in this era that Argentina is living through under the presidency of Javier Milei.
While most of the homilies or speeches delivered by the Pope were interpreted by Peronism as an implicit endorsement of the opposition's demands against the government, many first-line Justicialist leaders understood that one of the central messages was aimed at the need to build agreements. More dialogue, more focus on the people, more capacity to achieve consensus.
In Peronism, it became clear that the papal messages on the role of the economy, the importance of the university, the need to improve working conditions, the care of the family, and the place people with disabilities should occupy in a nation clash head-on with the libertarian government's political, economic, and social program. However, they also warn that the PJ leadership must focus on building a representative option that embodies those values and parameters the Pope expressed clearly. Peronism must understand that it cannot sink into internal power struggles and that it faces the challenge of rebuilding an option from the popular field.
Pope Leo XIV clearly marked the Church's stance regarding people with disabilities, the poor, and people with disabilities (Credits: Ariel Martínez)
"There is always responsibility on the part of all sectors in a change, but the greatest responsibility lies with the government, which is the political force most distant from the Church's position and which, moreover, has a style of constant confrontation," summarized a national deputy from the PJ.
In the opposition, they believe the libertarian government will not change its behavior and that it is they who must empathize more with the sectors of the population suffering the impact of the economic model. If anyone has the capacity to change, it is Peronism.
An important figure in the social movements, in permanent contact with the Catholic Church, argued that the current moment is "a decisive one" for various sectors that "have been holding underground dialogues" to begin "articulating the common ground between business leaders, unions, and the popular economy." In other words, the papal message, with its implicit criticisms of the liberal model, combined with the proximity of the electoral year, should serve to accelerate the forging of a political alternative.
"Whoever does not work in that direction and toward that goal will be judged by society, which demands that politics work for the common good and that we prioritize central issues such as unemployment and poverty," the same social leader reflected to Infobae.
In practice, there is an interpretation of Leo XIV's message linked to the need to quickly resolve the internal power disputes, in order to place greater emphasis on creating a political platform capable of captivating the disenchanted.
Buenos Aires mayors push for the reelection law to be addressed in the province
A mayor with a long track record and current relevance in the Right to the Future Movement (MDF) raised the need for Peronism to quickly resolve its differences. "The Pope's voice was a voice of hope, showing that it is possible to change this model through our movement, if we are capable of uniting and upholding the goals and principles of the Church's social doctrine," he asserted.
The climate of reconciliation and closeness generated by the Pope's visit could not penetrate the perimeter where the reelection of Buenos Aires province mayors is being discussed. A topic that weighs increasingly on those interested in seeing it pass and that exposes the inconsistencies of a coalition that never functioned normally.
Axel Kicillof publicly stated that he is in favor of reelection. So did the Chief of Staff and his right-hand man, Carlos Bianco, who asserted that "a law that limits the terms of mayors is proscriptionist." When he uttered that phrase, Camporismo immediately recalled another: "Cristina is proscribed, Peronism is not."
"They need to get their story straight. Is Peronism, with Cristina imprisoned, proscribed or not?" an important Camporismo leader told this outlet.
Axel Kicillof stated his support for mayors' reelection (Source)
In recent days, several MDF mayors have emphasized the need to approve mayoral reelection in the Buenos Aires Legislature. Mario Secco (Ensenada), with a very critical expression against Sergio Massa for not backing it with his votes, spoke on the matter, as did Andrés Watson (Florencio Varela) and the former mayor of Avellaneda, Jorge Ferraresi. All insist that the issue must come up for a vote and that Peronism must close ranks.
For now, that request is hanging in the air. It has little substance. Massismo, which took it upon itself to return Secco's criticisms, has planted its flag with a concept repeated among its leaders: they will not back the law with their votes, but they will not obstruct its approval either.
The key seems to lie with the so-called "blue libertarians" and with some Radical legislators, who have their phones open. Camporismo is willing to vote in favor, as is the MDF. With PRO, La Libertad Avanza, and the left opposed, it is the representatives of the historic party who hold the valuable votes.
In La Plata, they watch La Cámpora's moves warily. They consider that they are "stepping on the project" presented by legislator Ayelén Durand, who is part of the MDF, and that they have no real intention of approving it. "They are holding the project hostage," they stated. They do not trust them, they do not believe them, they do not work together.
In La Cámpora, they assert they are willing to support reelection, but that several issues must be addressed simultaneously, because the give-and-take negotiations are intertwined. One of them is the composition of the Buenos Aires Supreme Court, in which Radicalism has a special interest—precisely the force that is decisive for getting the initiative through that would allow unlimited reelection in Buenos Aires municipalities.
"If Axel really wanted to get the project through, he would take charge of the matter and seek the votes with determination. We have never heard a word from Ayelén Durand. They never moved her project. They never pushed it. They don't seem to have much intention of getting it passed," said an important La Cámpora figure in Buenos Aires province.
In the organization led by Máximo Kirchner, they maintain that the provincial government "is not building the numbers" to get the project through and that, moreover, so that the agenda is not limited to issues related to political power, it would be smart to address issues that affect the people, such as the bills on household debt or the gambling addiction bill, a problem affecting many young people who fell into the temptation of online betting.
The tension within Kicillofism remains alive. The truces are unstable. The big problem is the entrenched distrust in the political relationship and the lack of joint work, which expose the enormous difficulties in the functioning of an exhausted coalition that must reinvent itself to be competitive next year.