The 391-kilometer border that the Dominican Republic monitors with drones, artillery, and a fence that is still under construction.

rss · Infobae 2026-11-13T17:47:51Z es
Dominican borders have coexisted with the Haitian crisis for years, but the most recent development raises regional tension: 2,500 Salvadoran soldiers are operating in Haiti without a clear coordination framework with the UN-backed international force, according to the United Nations confirmed this week. The Government of the Dominican Republic, meanwhile, assures that the border line remains under control. In Jimaní, a town of about 13,000 inhabitants located in southwestern Dominican Republic, a perimeter fence under construction and the permanent military presence are the only visible reminders of the violence hitting Haiti. Jimaní is the border crossing closest to Port-au-Prince, which is connected by National Route No. 8, restricted traffic due to armed gangs. The Dominican Republic and Haiti share the island of Hispaniola along 391 kilometers of land. Control is not limited to official border crossings, but covers extensive areas of several bordering provinces. The Dominican Army defends total control of the border line "When in the capital they talk about the border, they only focus on the border crossings, but we have to remember that we have 391 kilometers of land border. Security is not only at the border crossings, it is the entire strip," stated the commander of the Fifth Infantry Brigade of the Dominican Army to EFE...
Members of the Dominican Republic Army guard a border wall this Thursday, in Jimaní (Dominican Republic). EFE/Orlando Barría The Dominican borders have coexisted with the Haitian crisis for years, but the most recent development raises regional tension: 2,500 Salvadoran soldiers are operating in Haiti without a clear coordination framework with the UN-backed international force, as confirmed this week by the United Nations. The Government of the Dominican Republic, meanwhile, maintains that the border line remains under control. In Jimaní, a town of about 13,000 inhabitants located in the southwest of the Dominican Republic, a perimeter fence under construction and a permanent military presence are the only visible reminder of the violence hitting Haiti. Members of the Dominican Republic Armed Forces watch over the Jimaní border crossing, which borders Haiti. The armed contingent guards metal access points, inspects civilians' belongings, and monitors the transit of vehicles and people in the border area. The coverage documents the usual commercial activity and the security measures implemented by the Dominican authorities at the border checkpoint. Jimaní is the border crossing closest to Port-au-Prince, to which it connects via National Route No. 8, with transit restricted by armed gangs. The Dominican Republic and Haiti share the island of Hispaniola along 391 kilometers of land strip. Control is not limited to official border crossings, but extends across extensive areas of several border provinces. Members of the Dominican Republic Army guard a border outpost this Thursday, in Jimaní (Dominican Republic). EFE/Orlando Barría "When people in the capital talk about the border, they only focus on the border crossings, but we must remember that we have 391 kilometers of land border strip. Security is not only at the border crossings, it is the entire strip," the commander of the Fifth Infantry Brigade of the Dominican Army, Brigadier General Freddy Rafael Soto Thormann, told EFE. The officer emphasized that, as President Luis Abinader and the country's military leaders have expressed, "the border is secure" and remains under control on the Dominican side. That surveillance includes a 22-kilometer perimeter fence along the Jimaní border section, of which eight kilometers have already been built, in addition to drones and electronic monitoring systems. Why did military surveillance increase on the Dominican border? The military presence was reinforced after Haitian gangs ambushed four Salvadoran soldiers on October 18 in Croix-des-Bouquets, on the outskirts of Port-au-Prince, who remain missing. A Haitian man walks past members of the Dominican Republic Army this Thursday, in Jimaní (Dominican Republic). EFE/Orlando Barría President Abinader responded on October 25 by sending two additional battalions, heavy equipment, and artillery to the southern border. The attack against the four soldiers, who were part of the Gang Suppression Force (GSF), led Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele to send more than 2,000 soldiers to Port-au-Prince on the grounds of searching for his compatriots. The troops ended up deeply involved in the fight against armed groups, without the real scope of that mission being clearly known. That deployment, which EFE documented on Dominican soil in mid-November, continues to add personnel. According to a report by the US agency Associated Press on November 11, Abinader confirmed that his government is collaborating with Bukele through logistics and intelligence while some 2,500 Salvadoran soldiers fight the gangs, mostly outside the framework of the multinational force endorsed by the United Nations. A spokesperson for that force, Igor Rugwiza, told the agency that coordination with the Haitian authorities and international partners is essential to achieve sustainable security results. Amnesty International, a human rights organization, demanded that the governments of El Salvador and Haiti publish the agreement supporting the deployment and explain the rules on the use of force, as reported by the same agency. Salvadoran soldiers stand guard as a convoy of armored vehicles transporting military personnel arrives in the Tabarre neighborhood, on Friday, October 30, 2026, in Port-au-Prince, Haiti. (AP Photo/Odelyn Joseph) Just 60 kilometers from Port-au-Prince, Jimaní lives off commercial exchange with the Haitian capital and with towns such as Malpasse, Fond Parisien, and Croix-des-Bouquets itself, the scene of the attack on the Salvadoran soldiers. "I live in Fond Parisien but I practically spend more time here, offering my services to help load whatever comes out," Peter, a young Haitian who works daily at the border crossing, told EFE. The route from Jimaní to Fond Parisien is relatively safe thanks to the self-defense brigades that have prevented the gangs from reaching that town. From there to Port-au-Prince, however, the armed gangs are the ones in charge. The gangs that control most of the Haitian capital charge "tolls" on the road to those who travel daily to Jimaní to buy food and merchandise that they later resell in Port-au-Prince. Transporters and merchants are fully aware of this dynamic. A man was captured this November 12 loading merchandise onto a wheelbarrow at the border market in Jimaní (Dominican Republic). EFE/Orlando Barría In Jimaní, life goes on normally, almost oblivious to the crisis in the neighboring country. The Haitian problem only becomes visible through the strong military presence of units of the Dominican Republic Army and the Specialized Land Border Security Corps (Cesfront) in the border areas. That feeling contrasts with the escalation taking place on the other side of the island. On November 10, Bukele released a video in which he stated that his troops destroyed the home and operations center of Wilson Joseph, alias Lanmò San Jou, the alleged leader of the 400 Mawozo gang, although outlets such as the Miami Herald attributed the operation to the Haitian police with Salvadoran support. The Haitian Prime Minister, Alix Didier Fils-Aimé, publicly thanked the Salvadoran forces for their support in the fight against the gangs and had planned to travel to El Salvador between November 16 and 17 to discuss the future of the deployment, according to a report by El País on November 9. So far, there is no official confirmation on the whereabouts of the four military technicians missing since October 18.

Translated from es by z-ai/glm-5.3-flash

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