After the offensive against the United Kingdom, Argentina turns its gaze to Chile over the Punta Arenas–Falklands connection

Danstar Vessel. Will transport supplies from Punta Arenas to the Falkland Islands. The Argentine government completed a legal strategy this week to halt the Sea Lion oil project in waters near the Falkland Islands. It was in Hamburg, Germany, in the hearing room of the Tribunal of the Sea (TIDM), where a battery of arguments was presented in an open dispute against the United Kingdom, including the fundamental historical discussion: sovereignty over the Islands. While awaiting the ruling from the international body, expected on November 28, Argentina is now looking to Chile regarding the imminent reopening of the commercial route between Punta Arenas and the archipelago. The confluence of these two fronts in foreign policy is not accidental. The Danstar vessel, operated by the Chilean shipping company Easter Island Logistics, is scheduled to depart with supplies to Puerto Stanley between the second and third week of December, according to the company's general manager, Pablo Pacheco, who confirmed it to La Prensa Austral. By then, the TIDM will have issued its order regarding the provisional measures Argentina requested to suspend the drilling—and subsequent extraction—of hydrocarbons in an area located about 198 kilometers north of the archipelago. From the Argentine perspective, the Danstar's journey is not a commercial matter separate from the litigation in Hamburg: it is part of the same conflict. Especially due to speculations and concerns from a sector of the local political scene that the Punta Arenas–Falkland Islands route could become a supply corridor for oil companies operating in the islands. The Chilean shipping company categorically denies this. "We are a company that will do island supply; we will bring fruit, vegetables, perishable food, and construction material to build houses, gardens, and schools," stated Pacheco. Of the 1,200 tons of capacity available for cargo, the company reported that more than half is already committed. Javier Milei and José Antonio Kast. Despite the good relationship between Presidents Javier Milei and José Antonio Kast, and between their foreign ministers, Pablo Quirno and Francisco Pérez-Mackenna, there is a subtle tension surrounding navigation. The Argentine official generally defended freedom of navigation during the G20 plenary session in Atlanta, assuring that "no country can obstruct maritime transit or disregard international rules." However, this week he was more precise in statements to A24 and on Radio Rivadavia, where he drew a line that Buenos Aires considers decisive: "The issue is when they go to the Falklands. There is a process of requesting authorization and commitment from the Chilean government that this does not contribute logistically to the exploitation of natural resources in the Falkland Islands, and this is what we have discussed with the Chilean government, and this is how it will remain." The foreign minister explicitly differentiated the Strait of Magellan—emphasizing, he said, that it is "Chilean, period"—from the waters the Danstar must cross once it leaves the strait and heads toward the archipelago, which Argentina considers under its jurisdiction and where prior authorization is required. The Chilean foreign minister's reply was immediate and unambiguous. When consulted this week about Quirno's statements regarding the need to request authorization for transit, according to BioBioChile, he pointed out that "Countries do not ask for permission." A senior official explained to this outlet that the vessel must "notify" its passage through Argentine waters. Specifically, the government expects the Easter Island shipping company to request the corresponding authorization and for Chile to indicate that it will not collaborate with the logistics of exploiting natural resources, according to the regulations for vessels heading to the islands and crossing waters under national jurisdiction. Chile, meanwhile, invokes the 1881 Limits Treaty and the 1984 Treaty of Peace and Friendship, which guarantee free navigation to and from the Strait of Magellan. It also appeals to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Republican deputy Alejandro Riquelme, a member of President Kast's governing coalition, told Infobae that the reopening of the commercial route "is not in response to a request from the United Kingdom," endorsed eventual supply to oil companies linked to Sea Lion, and noted that it would not be illegal in itself. "Supplying the Falkland Islands is a lawful activity, and the eventual supply to oil companies is also lawful, provided it complies with applicable rules. The petroleum nature of a company does not, by itself, make that trade illegal," Riquelme reiterated. José Antonio Kast (bottom left) and Alejandro Riquelme (top center). José Antonio Kast and Alejandro Riquelme (José Antonio Kast on X). The parliamentarian—who ran for the governorship of Magallanes—defended the argument presented by the Chilean government that it is a private business. "The goal is to establish a regular service. References have circulated regarding a monthly frequency, but the shipping company must confirm the definitive schedule. For Magallanes, what is relevant is the opportunity it represents for our suppliers, SMEs, and regional employment," Riquelme indicated. The commercial potential of this route—estimated in Chile—is approximately 20 million dollars annually. He added: "Chile has historically supported since 1992 the sovereignty rights claimed by Argentina and a peaceful solution to the controversy through negotiations. That position does not change because of a commercial supply operation from Punta Arenas. There is a series of conflicts around the world—China-Taiwan, Russia-Ukraine, or in the current Strait of Hormuz between the United States and Iran. Chile could take a position in those conflicts, but that does not mean we cannot start with those countries or those we support. Historically, Chile has been a defender of free trade and has led bilateral treaties with that goal; recognizing sovereignty does not mean stopping trade with countries." "In the particular case of exchanging food, goods, and services with the island population, it does not constitute, by itself, a recognition of British sovereignty. Naturally, any operation must comply with applicable regulations and Chile's international commitments. It is also necessary to distinguish between supplying the population and activities linked to the exploitation of disputed natural resources, which require specific analysis," he concluded. The diplomatic tension was reflected in Argentine legislation. Deputy Agustina Propato (Unión por la Patria) presented file 5831-D-2026, which seeks to classify the transit of vessels of any flag heading to the ports of the Falkland Islands, South Georgia, and the South Sandwich Islands, or transporting cargo linked to logistical, military, hydrocarbon, or fishing activities in those territories, as "not innocent." The initiative empowers the Argentine Naval Prefecture or the Navy to order the detention, change of course, or abandonment of the waters, and allows for the retention of the vessel in an Argentine port if it is in waters under national jurisdiction. The proposal explicitly names the Danstar among its antecedents and states that "this new maritime route clearly undermines our claim to sovereignty and constitutes direct support for the illegal activities of the United Kingdom of Great Britain." Agustina Propato. When consulted about this initiative, Riquelme stated: "In my parliamentary work, I have addressed these issues with the foreign minister, in the sessions of the Defense and Foreign Relations committees held in Magallanes, and recently, in a meeting of over three hours with our ambassador in Buenos Aires." "My position is that we must act proactively, maintain diplomatic channels, and defend the rights of Chile and our companies to trade freely with any country, including Great Britain. It is the government's responsibility to lead these efforts, and the foreign minister has publicly stated that he is working on this matter and that navigation is protected by treaties. The objections of certain Argentine sectors must be addressed through institutional channels, with prudence and firmness. However, one cannot expect Magallanes, the Islands, when Argentina maintains a trade balance close to 3 billion dollars with Great Britain. Before preventing Chile from trading with Great Britain, shouldn't Argentina look at its own interests?" Along these lines, one of the speculations from some sectors of Chilean politics was the eventual participation of the Navy to escort the vessel to the Falklands. "The Minister of Defense has publicly stated that an escort is unnecessary. Our expectation is that commercial navigation carried out in accordance with the rules will proceed normally and with respect for international commitments," the parliamentarian indicated. The pressure from the Argentine side is not limited to Propato's bill. Peronist deputy Guillermo Michel presented file 5441-D-2026 to instruct the Executive Branch to denounce two bilateral treaties with Chile: the Treaty on Reciprocal Promotion and Protection of Investments and the Convention to Eliminate Double Taxation. The initiative, which must still pass through committee review, seeks to withdraw the tax benefits that currently protect Chilean companies in Argentina. "If Chile decides to conduct illegal business in the Falklands, it cannot receive economic and fiscal benefits from Argentina for its investments in our country," stated Michel. Guillermo Michel. In parallel, former foreign minister and deputy Santiago Cafiero, along with nine legislators from Unión por la Patria, presented a motion to summon the Chilean ambassador in Buenos Aires, Gonzalo Uriarte Herrera, before the Chamber's Foreign Relations Committee, with the aim of demanding explanations about the route and its eventual link to the Sea Lion project. From Tierra del Fuego, the Secretary of the Falklands and South Atlantic Islands, Andrés Dachary, also announced a provincial law that would sanction any shipping company trading with the islands without Fuegian authorization with fines and operational prohibitions in Argentine territory. Dachary acknowledged that the regulation is not aimed at stopping the Danstar's first trip, but at building a legal instrument for subsequent ones: "What you are looking for is the effectiveness of the law," he noted. Riquelme countered the position of the Argentine parliamentarians. "According to the Vienna Convention, Congress cannot summon an ambassador. Being proactive means evaluating every scenario and coordinating it with the executive, but not being populist like the Argentine Congress is doing by summoning foreign officials who are outside their jurisdiction or processing inapplicable laws." "Commercial reprisals cannot be carried out by a congress against a third country, nor by a provincial norm. In international law, there is the principle of reciprocity and the hierarchy of norms. They can pass a thousand decrees and another 3,000 laws, but none can contravene existing international and bilateral treaties, so they are inapplicable, especially not extraterritorially." According to public information, the vessel departed from Valparaíso on October 29, but accumulated delays due to adverse weather conditions that forced it to anchor in Puerto Montt and other intermediate points. The shipping company expects it to enter the Magallanes region on the afternoon of Sunday, November 15, when it is scheduled to enter the Asmar Magallanes shipyards for routine maintenance. The departure to Puerto Stanley—they assure us—will be subject to the effective duration of those works and climatic conditions. An operational detail adds uncertainty to the tracking of the case from Buenos Aires. Argentine naval sources told this outlet that the Danstar disappeared five days ago from maritime tracking systems after turning off its transponder, the automatic identification device that allows for real-time location of vessels. A maneuver that prevents precise confirmation of its current position.