Andrés Malamud: "Argentina's problem is not cultural: it is a State that neither rewards those who comply nor punishes those who don't"

rss · Infobae 2026-11-06T23:18:34Z es
Andrés Malamud argued that Argentina's main problems do not stem from cultural characteristics of its population, but from the State's inability to establish rules and incentives that order social life. In an interview on Infobae al Regreso, the political scientist also compared local democratic coexistence with that of the United States and Brazil, analyzed the rise of Javier Milei, and examined the representation crisis of the traditional parties. During the conversation, Malamud questioned how institutions function and pointed out that the intensity of Argentine political confrontation does not necessarily translate into higher levels of violence. "Argentina is very aggressive rhetorically. In practice, we are much more peaceful," he stated when comparing the country with other societies in the region and the United States. As a reference, he mentioned the murders of candidates, journalists, and judicial officials recorded in Latin America, as well as the assault on the US Capitol on January 6, 2021. To explain this peculiarity, he went back to the 1970s and the historical lesson left by political violence. "The seventies left us with defeat on both sides," he maintained, referring to the armed organizations and the Armed Forces, whose project of power ended up discredited after the dictatorship and the defeat in the Malvinas War. The political scientist stated that Argentine politics displays aggressive rhetoric but maintains more peaceful coexistence than other countries in the region (REUTERS/Jonathan Ernst) That process helped consolidate a consensus on the peaceful resolution of conflicts and institutional alternation. "A democracy is a system in which we get rid of our rulers without bloodshed," he defined. However, he warned that this stability does not guarantee economic results. "Democracy was not enough for the economy," he affirmed. For the political scientist, Argentina managed to consolidate mechanisms of political alternation, but failed to build institutions capable of solving its structural problems. Malamud rejected explanations that attribute problems of social behavior to a supposed cultural characteristic of Argentines. To describe this dynamic, he turned to the prisoner's dilemma, a game theory concept that explains how individual decisions can produce harmful outcomes for the group. "Argentina has a problem of collective organization, not of individual rationality," he maintained. According to his interpretation, people act according to their own interests when there are no institutional mechanisms that make it worthwhile to respect the rules. Malamud questioned the weakness of the Argentine judicial system and the recurring recourse to foreign courts to guarantee the arrival of investments (Infobae en Vivo) As an example, he mentioned the differences in Argentines' behavior when they travel abroad. "They stop at red lights, they respect the pedestrian line, they don't litter, because it's not a cultural problem," he explained. The problem, in his view, lies in the absence of consequences for those who break the rules and of incentives for those who follow them. "If you behave badly there is no punishment, and if you behave well there is no reward," he summarized. In this diagnosis, the Judiciary occupies a central place. Malamud questioned that governments resort to foreign courts to offer guarantees to investors, instead of strengthening the Argentine judicial system. "The caste of castes is the Judiciary," he affirmed, pointing out that institutional weaknesses affect trust and hinder the construction of predictable rules. When analyzing the rise of Javier Milei, Malamud identified two components in the libertarian phenomenon: the rejection of the traditional political leadership and the demand for concrete answers to the economic crisis. "On the one hand, it is a cry of 'enough,'" he described. In his analysis, that discontent was fueled by questioning of traditional politics, the management of the pandemic, and the deterioration of economic conditions. (REUTERS/Agustin Marcarian/File Photo) The second component was linked to the centrality of the economy in electoral competition. "In the last election, Milei, who is an economist, competed against Massa, who was the Minister of Economy," he observed. He also differentiated the Argentine scenario from other countries, where religious and identity disputes carry greater weight in the political agenda. "We are a secular country, and we discuss banal issues, like inflation," he joked. The change also had a territorial dimension. Malamud interpreted the growth of La Libertad Avanza as a reaction from the interior of the country against the concentration of political decisions in the Buenos Aires Metropolitan Area. In that sense, he linked part of the discontent to the experience of the pandemic and health restrictions. "Interior Argentina experienced the quarantine as an imposition by three porteños over a territory where the virus was not circulating," he affirmed, referring to Alberto Fernández, Axel Kicillof, and Horacio Rodríguez Larreta. The transformation also reaches the traditional parties. Regarding Peronism, Malamud considered that it is going through a crisis of leadership and national projection. "It is a group of Buenos Aires Province leaders who cannot find the path to the future," he maintained. His diagnosis of the party system was forceful: "There is no Peronist party at this moment, nor a Radical party, nor a PRO party. The only national party is Violet," he affirmed, alluding to La Libertad Avanza. The political scientist stated that Argentine politics displays aggressive rhetoric but maintains more peaceful coexistence than other countries in the region (Infobae en Vivo) The researcher also pointed out that the growth of oil and mining activities could modify the economic balances between the provinces and the Buenos Aires suburbs. The expansion of these export sectors, according to his forecast, could alter the historical weight of activities oriented toward the domestic market and modify the territorial distribution of political power. Malamud also compared the Argentine situation with the social tensions affecting various European countries. Referring to youth mobilizations in cities such as Paris, Milan, Lisbon, and Brussels, he maintained that behind much of the protests there are material difficulties that go beyond ideological differences. Among the main problems, he highlighted access to housing and uncertainty about the possibilities of building a life project. "Almost everywhere there are more people than houses," he affirmed. As an example, he recounted a conversation with his daughter, a Psychology student and participant in encampments in Lisbon. According to him, she described to him her generation's concern about the difficulties of projecting the future: "There is joy and sadness. Sadness because we see no future and we don't want to emigrate. We don't know where we are going to live." The political scientist considered that this uncertainty explains a significant part of European youth discontent. Although discussions about immigration, religion, and identity are part of the public agenda, difficulties in accessing housing and finding opportunities condition the expectations of millions of young people. In France, he also mentioned the restrictions on entering university: around 250,000 young people pass the entrance exams but do not get a place. For Malamud, economic difficulties and the lack of prospects are central factors in understanding the demands for change running through the new generations. –Infobae accompanies you every day on YouTube with interviews, analysis, and the most important news, in a close and dynamic format. • From 7 to 9: Infobae al Amanecer: Nacho Giron, Luciana Rubinska, and Belén Escobar. • From 9 to 12: Infobae a las Nueve: Gonzalo Sánchez, Tatiana Schapiro, Ramón Indart, and Cecilia Boufflet. • From 12 to 15: Infobae al Mediodía: Maru Duffard, Andrei Serbin Pont, Fede Mayol, and Facundo Kablan. • From 15 to 18: Infobae a la Tarde: Manu Jove, Maia Jastreblansky, and Paula Guardia Bourdin; rotating during the week: Marcos Shaw, Lara López Calvo, and Tomás Trapé. • From 18 to 21: Infobae al Regreso: Gonzalo Aziz, Diego Iglesias, Malena de los Ríos, and Matías Barbería; rotating during the week: Gustavo Lazzari, Martín Tetaz, and Mica Mendelevich. Follow us on our YouTube channel @infobae.

Translated from es by z-ai/glm-5.3-flash

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